LOUISA LOMBARD DISSERTATION

My research locales, primarily the remote and little-populated eastern reaches of the Central African Republic C. Political and Legal Anthropology Review. Edited by Tatiana Carayannis and Louisa Lombard. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 22 3: Outside the USA, see our international sales information. Theories of the state tend to sideline raiders’ roles, and the categories used by international agencies do not address them either. Some features of this site may not work without it.

About Contact News Giving to the Press. But while seizing resources, raiders also govern space and people. People seeking to understand the scope and scale of violence in the Central African Republic over the past two years have cited a variety of social grievances centring on the political manipulation of religion, belonging , and access to opportunities. Click here to sign up. Twitter Tweets by ChicagoDistrib. The dissertation proposes conceptualizing sovereignty not as a totalizing, territorialized political order but rather through its constituent governing capabilities, which may centralize or not, and can combine to create hybrid political systems. The article presents evidence of the workings of popular punishment from the intra-family level to that of the crowd and quartier, in both rural and urban locales.

Edited by Tatiana Carayannis and Louisa Lombard. Instead, people pay for rides atop the wares carried by the transport trucks that infrequently deliver goods like sugar and jerrycans. Never claimed by any centralizing forces, the area has instead long been used as a reservoir of resources by neighboring areas’ militarized entrepreneurs, who seek this forest-savanna’s goods.

Today, raiding in CAR ties into global trade networks, and bumps up dissetration, though sissertation feeds off, transnational conflict prevention and humanitarian regimes.

louisa lombard dissertation

Over the past 30 years, roadblocks have become widespread in this area of extremely minimal state institutional presence; they are one symptom of broader processes of militarization. The dynamics of this zone, much of it lobmard place anthropologists used to refer to as “stateless,” suggest a re-thinking of the modalities of sovereignty.

You may purchase this title at these fine bookstores. Without denying that these factors have played a role, this article argues that the violence must be understood in the context of social practices of violence that long predate the war, especially in light of the diffuse and non-centralized mode of organization through which the ongoing war has played out. By continuing to use our site you give us permission to deploy cookies per our privacy and cookies policy.

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A recent anthropological literature on arms-carrying and violence has sought to understand these undertakings as modes of labour and work. To what extent, however, are the exigencies of worlding from Africa determined by urbanity?

louisa lombard dissertation

Though people have important reservations about popular punishment, they also see vengeance as an important tool for enforcing a circumscribed mode of empathy and a minimum set of standards for social behaviour. State of Slum Paul Stacey. These experiences in the CAR suggest that those wishing to understand how wartime mobilization happens must consider not just fighters’ grievances but also people’s conceptions of the practical and symbolic efficacy of vengeance and popular punishment as elements of politics and the management of threats.

Though mobile armed groups have long operated in CAR, they used to work as road cutters and local defense forces and only recently started calling themselves “rebels” — a move that has landed them in new roles as “governors” of populations while leaving them without the welfare largess they seek. The article presents evidence of the workings of popular punishment from the intra-family level to that of the crowd and quartier, in both rural and urban locales.

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Email Location 10 Sachem St. A number of overlapping forces, institutions, and interests patrol and regulate the area, but none maintains total sovereignty. In so doing they imply. Main navigation About Lombaard Grantees History. Though ostensibly fought to protect CAR’s “national patrimony” its animals and plantsthis war bolsters the sovereign capabilities of a range of non-state actors and has resulted in hundreds of deaths in the last few years, many of them hidden in the bush.

A vast literature on social evolution has assumed the inevitability of centralization. Black British History Hakim Adi. The article focuses on the prevalence of popular punishment and vengeance, which have long histories as elements of statecraft in the CAR and have become even more widespread amid the generalized insecurity and anomie that have set in over the past few decades.

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Being Rich, Being Poor: Help Center Find new research papers in: These repeated external raids have shaped internal power and knowledge formations throughout CAR’s history. People seeking to understand the scope and scale of violence in the Central African Republic over the past two years have cited a variety of social grievances centring on the political manipulation of religion, belongingand access to opportunities.

Today, raiding in CAR ties into global trade networks, and bumps up against, though also feeds off, transnational conflict prevention and humanitarian regimes. Lombaard these various raiders’ projects, louisw idea of the all-powerful state serves as a reference point they louiza to qualify themselves with sovereign authorities. Click here to louiea up. My project focuses on raiding and sovereignty in the northeastern lo,bard of the Central African Republic CARon the margins of Darfur.

Making Sense of the Central African Republic, Carayannis, Lombard

Though roadblock workers invoke the idea of the all-powerful state in order to qualify themselves with authorities to dispossess travelers, their practices end up strengthening noncentralized modes of rule, and particularly quests for personal profit. The violence quickly enveloped much of the population, whether as perpetrators or victims, and often as both. This article explores the politics of roadblocks in the northeastern reaches of the Central African Republic.

Building on work that sees the state as a set of practices with ” magical ” effects, I foreground the unpredictability and negotiation that characterize roadblock encounters to show how they challenge the dominant theories of governance in ” stateless ” spaces.

No bush taxis traverse these roads.